Exarchia: A story of love & questioning for the unruly Athenian “Galician village”
Exarchia, a central Athens district with a layout reminiscent of an urban “casbah,” is a hub of activity. It is teeming with small, predominantly commercial enterprises during the day, and comes alive at night as a favorite haunt for students and the restless youth. It serves as the “headquarters” for a variety of political groups and activities, and is home to numerous publishing houses, bookstores, and IT shops. Exarchia has always retained a relaxed, comfortable, bohemian vibe, while simultaneously exuding a rebellious, audacious, and volatile character. Its long history of resistance, dating back to the Occupation and the Civil War, as well as its significant contribution to the anti-dictatorship struggle (Polytechnic, Chemistry, Law School), has made it the epicenter of dissent and the apex of the city’s unruly, solitary, and unconventional individuals post-revolution. This has fostered a spirit that is at times enlightened, noble, and generous, and at other times blind, chaotic, and self-destructive. Often depicted in urban legends as a “ghetto” or an “anarchist state,” this vibrant Athenian district has become particularly associated with the anarchist movement, gaining global recognition after the “Decembriana” of ’08. However, it’s not all about anarchy, nor is it solely about Exarchia – contemporary Athens boasts a surprisingly rich and diverse history of movement and alternative culture in general. This history is challenging to document, as passions persistently run high, producing a narrative that is fascinating yet weighty, tormented, and prone to repeating itself for better or worse.
The first professional “indignant citizens” make their appearance. In May 1986, a new “pogrom” is initiated. Demonstrations are prohibited. Feminists protesting in the square are swiftly arrested. “Emigrant patriots” humorously decry the “brutal occupation of the peaceful state of Exarchia” in a statement to the UN. Meanwhile, drug use is on the rise.
Anarchy in Athens
On November 9, 1861, the Royal Police seized the newspaper “Light,” which had published an article titled “Anarchy.” The author was Dimitrios Paparrigopoulos, a poet, lawyer, and son of the renowned historian. In 1873, he defended the rebellious Lavrion workers in court and died protesting the detention conditions of the arrested, following a several-day hunger strike, at Ippokratous and Akademias. The press referred to his death as a result of “melancholy,” and labeled him a “master martyr” of Greek anarchism, which is essentially a product of the post-war era. “We are the romantics, the defiant, and the angry,” declared an anarchist pamphlet following the May Day riots of 1977. Anti-authoritarian cells were already active on university campuses during the prolonged occupations against Law 815 (1979), where they clashed with the police and the KNE. Anarchists led the occupations of Valtetsiou in Exarchia and Villa Stella in South Heraklion (1982). The Athenian underground was born in Plaka, but matured (and became politicised) in Exarchia.
In the fall of the same year, the inaugural “Virtue” operations were launched, spurred by the alleged transgressions of the square’s punks. At the time, conservative newspapers were already decrying the area as a hotbed of lawlessness, decadence and loose morals. Arrests, beatings, thefts, and riot police became commonplace in the square.
On December 4, 1984, the first significant anti-fascist march took place during the visit of Le Pen. This resulted in extensive riots outside the Caravel Hotel. The following day, police raided Exarchia, invaded the offices of Rixi in Themistokleous, and made 170 arrests.
In May 1985, following further “Areti” operations, Police Director Hohtoulas threatened to “flatten” hundreds of protesters seeking refuge in the Chemistry Department. This led to a five-day siege, with those inside threatening to blow up the building. Eventually, they triumphantly exited, accompanied by Manolis Glezos, university students, and solidarity activists.
However, on November 17, following a Molotov cocktail attack on a cage at Stournari and Patision, policeman Athanasios Melistas panicked and fatally shot 15-year-old Michalis Kaltezas in the back. Protests, riots, and barricades ensued, with the media focusing on the chaos. The response from the demonstrators was, “you talk about window dressing, we talk about lives.”
The Chemistry Department was occupied, asylum was lifted, and riot police invaded. The first professional “outraged citizens” started to emerge. In May 1986, a new “pogrom” began. Protests were banned. Feminists demonstrating in the square were promptly arrested. Anti-authoritarians humorously declared the “brutal occupation of the peaceful state of Exarchia” to the UN.
Meanwhile, drug use was on the rise. “The cops are selling heroin,” insisted the anti-authoritarians. In November 1987, they apprehended heroin dealers and reported their details to the police, who showed indifference.
In January 1990, Melistas was acquitted on appeal, and hundreds of young people, self-described as “the flower of Greek youth,” occupied the Polytechnic for twelve days. Another occupation occurred during student mobilizations in October 1991. The rectorate was set ablaze, violent evacuations took place, and hundreds were arrested. A new occupation in November 1995 led to another police invasion. The five hundred arrested were led away in chains, singing “when will it be clear”.
The insurrectionary fervor, which had subsided during times of prosperity, surged again after the 2004 Olympics, a result of growing social tensions simmering beneath the glittering façade of the Games. Exarchia itself was becoming increasingly lawless: violence, gangs, protection rackets, drug dealing, rivalries, and “feuds” were rampant.
This all led up to December 6, 2008, when 15-year-old Alexandros Grigoropoulos was fatally shot in the heart of Exarchia by special guard Epaminondas Korkoneas. This sparked a massive, angry youth uprising that shook the nation and transformed the beleaguered center of Athens into a battleground. In the midst of it all, Nikitas’ Christmas tree at Syntagma was set ablaze. The unfolding events did not bode well. As a popular slogan from December ’08 suggested, it “was not an answer, it was a question”. Fast-forward two years, during the massive protest against the first memorandum (5/5/2010), an enraged crowd clashed with the police, attempting to storm the Parliament. Amidst the chaos, masked individuals set the Marfin bank on Stadiou Street ablaze, tragically claiming the lives of three employees. The finger of blame was pointed at anarchists who vehemently denied involvement, but the incident irreversibly altered the landscape. The main burden of the fight against the neo-Nazi Golden Dawn’s activities would, however, fall on the “space”.
Squats
In November 1981, twenty days post-“Change”, anti-authoritarians took over an abandoned two-storey neoclassical building on Valtetsiou Street in Exarchia. The first squat in Greece housed a few dozen “permanent” residents and saw several hundred daily visitors. Black and red flags fluttered, political debates and events took place, parties were thrown… Regulars included Katerina Gogo and Pavlos Sidiropoulos. The squat was forcefully evacuated on 12/1/1982 amidst a climate of fear stoked by the media. Thodoris Pisis, one of the seven arrested, famously reproached his judges: “None of you are happy…”. Dozens of other squats would follow in Athens and other major cities. Cultural figures like Manos Hadjidakis and Melina Mercouri, serving as the Minister of Culture, visited the Fotinios squat at the Polytechnic (to watch performances by Dimitris Papaioannou’s Group of the Soil). Villa Amalia in Victoria, a Greek punk “incubator” and anti-fascist stronghold, was one of the longest-standing until its closure by a police raid last Christmas. Nonetheless, Athens still hosts occupied buildings in the city centre, Kypseli, Philadelphia, Maroussi, Egaleo, and other areas, a former theatre (Empros), two estates (Prapopoulou in Halandri, “Agros” in Liosia), and numerous self-managed hangouts within or outside squats (Nosotros, Autonomous Migrants’ Shelter, Hypogeus Club, K-Vox, Spy Club, Lili Collective, Ano-Kato Patissia, Strouga, etc.) including in university schools. The late 1970s saw the emergence of the first – albeit short-lived – urban communes, primarily in Exarchia. The “pioneer” of these was the legendary Paranga of Simos the Existentialist in Psyrri in the early 1950s, which attracted the young avant-garde of the era – dubbed “strange guys who dance boogie and eat yoghurt with herring” by the press-, until its closure by the Police and the subsequent departure of Simos Tsapnidis abroad.
Social Movements
Beyond the numerous leftist and anti-authoritarian groups, social movements that took root in the West during the 1960s and 1970s also began to gain traction here. The spotlight, naturally, falls on the broader Exarchia area, home to a diverse range of groups including the most militant feminists, the conscientious objectors known as Anti-Responses, the Greek Homosexual Liberation Movement (AKOE), and the anti-prohibitionist ESEAN led by Dr. George Economopoulos, who famously lit the first public joint. Here, too, we find the Movement for the Rights of the Mentally Ill, the earliest ecological initiatives, and those advocating for the liberation of the Erdians (with the libertarian radio station Tiflopontikas leading the charge). The first attempt at unifying these diverse movements was the historic “7 Days of Questioning” event at ASOEE (28/11-5/12/1983), where representatives from each group spoke and their contributions were later published as a book.
Conscientious objectors still exist and continue to face legal action – though they are typically acquitted – and ESEAN remains active. The herbaria were liberalised in 1990, only to be swiftly co-opted by large private interests. However, the internet has provided new platforms for counter-information, such as the internationalist Indymedia, which birthed the anti-globalisation movement (1999). The ecologists/alternatives managed to enter parliament in 1989 but dissolved by 1992 – their legacy can be seen in the current Green Party and numerous independent ‘green’ initiatives.
The feminist movement, represented by militant groups like the Women’s Autonomous Movement, the Women’s House, and the Democratic Women’s Movement, has either faded into obscurity or become more ‘systemic’ (EΓE, OΓE, etc.). But it has not been extinguished – modern “amazons” have established the Feminist Center of Athens and the Initiative for the Elimination of Violence against Women, along with groups such as Ecfyless and Kamenas Soutien. The Women’s Archive “Delphis” in Gazi houses a wealth of archival material. The LGBT community is currently represented by various groups (OLKE, Colour Youth, LGBT, etc.), with the most sexually/politically uncompromising adopting the Queer format.
Activism in the city has taken on many other forms, both politically charged and less so, including anti-racist/anti-Nazi initiatives, residents’ committees, civil rights, anti-AIDS and anti-trafficking organisations, Greek schools for immigrants, collective kitchens, self-managed parks, social pharmacies, clinics, libraries, grocery stores, exchange/thank you bazaars, city actions, and more. The most recent rallying point was the popular assembly of Syntagma Square (April-June 2011) which spearheaded protests against the first memorandum (as did the anti-authoritarians, though they were “divided” on the issue of daily assemblies). Advocating for self-organization and direct democracy, it maintained a distance from the large mass of “indignados”. It did not evolve into a movement, but it left a momentum that will be judged in the future.
Alternative Festivals
The Alternative Meeting of Nea Smyrna (Alsos, June 1985) was the city’s first major alternative festival, setting a precedent for the rest of the city. The entirety of Athens’ “alternative” scene was represented: anarchists, autonomists, rockers, punks, freaks, ecologists, environmentalists, dissidents, feminists, cannabis enthusiasts, gays, lesbians, and the underground press. Until that point, all festivals had been strictly partisan, but this was no longer the case. A series of alternative festivals with an ever-widening appeal emerged from this initiative. These ranged from the Anti-Racist and Anti-Pagan festivals to the primarily Indie Free Festival of the Group in the Terror of the Void (the oldest, marking its 23rd year), as well as various left-wing or purely anti-authoritarian festivals (most notably Resistance and B-Fest, which attract many international participants). Finally, from the first Gay Pride events of Strefi and Pediou tou Areos (Paola, “Kraksin”), the institution of Athens Pride was born. Moreover, the tradition of free parties and concerts with a political focus or demand is still very much alive on the hill of Strefis.
Underground Press
Challenge, counter-culture, revolution, sexual liberation, psychedelia, artistic avant-garde. The Athenian underground took some time to bloom but when it did, it proved to be incredibly fruitful. In the midst of the junta, at the end of 1971, the political/publishing group International Library (Konstantinidis, Papadopoulou, Stinas, Balis) was established in Exarchia. It remained active until the untimely death of Christos Konstantinidis, and permanently closed in 2003 due to eviction. Underground publishing endeavors had existed since the 1960s (“Pali” by the surrealist Nannos Valaoritis, “Kouros” and “Panderma” by the iconic Leonidas Christakis), but the real publishing boom began in the post-communist period. A compilation would surely include the libertarian magazines “When”, “Pedestrian” and “The Rooster Who Roams in the Dark” (late 70s), Christakis’ long-running “Ideodrome” (1978-2004), “The Hole” by Teos Rombos (1979-1980), which also ran the bookstore-publishing house Octopus Press, the early “Babel” (1979-1980), the anarcho-pagan “Open City” by Vlassis Rassia (1980-1993), member of the Underground Press Syndicate, “Rixi” by Giorgos Karabelias (1979-1993), who also directed Kommouna Publications, and the graphically impressive “Convoy” (1985-1995). Also, the anti-authoritarian publications “Anarchos” (1983-1986), “Flowers of Evil” (1988-1991), and “Pirates of the Crescent” (1990-1994), along with the feminist “Broom”, “Katina”, “Women’s City”, and “Prison” by militant lawyer Katerina Iatropoulou (early 80s) were prominent. Gay magazines “Amphi” (1978-1990) and “Kraksin” (1981-1993), lesbian magazines “Lavris” (1982-1983) and “Madame Gu” (1995-1997), and “Controsol in Chaos” (1986-1992) made their mark alongside a galaxy of music and other fanzines. Publications like Eleftheros Typos, Eleftheriaki Kultura, Futura (which also published the cult magazine of the same name), Vibliopelagos, KPM, Blindfly, Club of Spies, The Fellows, etc., also emerged. Since the 2000s, with the Internet becoming the dominant medium, the alternative press has seen a decline – with exceptions such as “Recistencias”, “Babylonia”, “Flex Machine”, “Rosinante”. However, relevant literature has seen significant growth.
Armed
The cycle of revolutionary violence that began with the assassination of CIA station chief Richard Wells by the 17 November group in Psychiko in December 1975 is still active, as evidenced by the actions of the Fire Brigades. The longest-running armed organization in Europe, which was officially dismantled in 2002, left behind 23 dead, dozens injured, and numerous attacks involving guns, bombs, and rockets. The 17N demonstrated a ‘consistent’ left-wing ideology in its manifestos, with well-thought-out references to the political and social scene, much like its ‘close relative’ Revolutionary People’s Struggle (ELA), which ceased its activities in 1995 (its members were arrested years later). Contemporary Athenian urban guerrillas are characterized by larger numbers, younger member ages, a focus on Exarchia, and a hardcore, “primitive” anarchy. A recent poster in support of the “4 of Kozani”, who were thought to be members of the Cells (they denied it themselves), was signed by the Movement of Anarcho-Methodist Consciousness for the Promotion of Negativism and included quotes from Kazantzakis and Nietzsche. The flirtation of a part of the anarchist world with armed action dates back to the late 1980s with the emergence of the Anti-State Struggle organization (whose members were Christos Tsouchouvis and “allegedly” Michalis Prekas). This flirtation intensified in the 1990s (the controversial action of Christoforos Marinos is representative) and evolved into an informal “engagement” after December 2008. It’s no longer considered taboo for an anarchist to support 17N or Aris Velouchiotis. You can hear “EAM – ELAS – Meligalas” in anarchist marches. The modern “Tsouchouvis” is Lambros Fountas of the Revolutionary Struggle, who was killed in a gunfight with police officers in Daphne in March 2010. Voices denouncing the so-called “fetishism of violence” are not lacking. Among them is Panagiotis Papadopoulos (Cain), a notable figure of Exarchia in the early 80s. His attendance at a memorial for the victims of 17N with placards against violence shocked many of his former comrades and made him a target.
“Saints” and Martyrs
The “Holy Trinity of Exarchia,” as dubbed by the pontiff of the Greek underground, Leonidas Christakis, consists of Pavlos Sidiropoulos, Nicholas Asimos, and Katerina Gogou. Beautiful as hell, they lived fast, free, unconventional lives, and left prematurely and ingloriously due to heroin. In some cases, they were even betrayed by their own people. However, they left behind a great body of work – Sidiropoulos and Asimos in song and composition, and Gogou in poetry. There were also lesser-known figures, such as Vangelis Lambrou, publisher of the subversive newspaper “Out of Control,” who eventually committed suicide. Others include the anarchist transvestite Sonia (Sotiris Filippou), who was murdered in November ’82, and the sailor Panagiotis Liveretos, who campaigned for better living conditions for crew members, confronted shipowners, participated in a ship occupation in Brazil, and set himself on fire 30 years ago in Kalamaki. The night before, he had waved goodbye to his unsuspecting friends in Exarchia Square. This was another ideal suicide, much like many others from that early romantic generation, who were too passionate and sensitive not to self-destruct. A “German Greek,” Rolf Pole, would have been in their company. A lawyer and prominent social activist, he was imprisoned as a terrorist member of the RAF in Germany in the 1970s, arrested in Athens in ’76, and extradited despite a broad support movement that included Andreas Papandreou. He returned in ’82, settled in Exarchia, married lawyer Katerina Iatropoulou, and worked as a German language teacher and translator. He also wrote articles for the “Commentator” and the “Ios” of Eleftherotypia. He passed away at age 62 on 7/2/2004, having published the book My Name is Man (ed. Black List).
“Trials will become the state’s convictions”
Yannis Serifis (accused of being a member of 17N in 2002, as well as of ELA before), Philip and Sofia Kiritsis (1978, accused of possession of explosives), Thodoris Psimisis, Yannis Bouketsidis (repeatedly accused of being alleged terrorists), Yannis Balis (incidents at the Chernobyl march, May 1986), Vangelio Vogiatzi, Gerasimos Boukouvalas, Klearchos Smyrnaios, Christoforos Marinos (1988, Anti-State Struggle case), Yannis Dimitrakis, Simos Seisidis (‘Bandits in Black’, 00s), Nikos Maziotis – Panagiota Rupa (2010, Revolutionary Struggle case), the dozens of arrests and imprisonment of young defendants accused of involvement in the Fire Cells more recently… The intensity and breadth of social struggles and conflicts in post-communist Athens, peaceful or violent, have been so immense that the list of “usual suspects”, prisoners, and court case participants alone could fill an entire volume. Many of these individuals, while incarcerated, even resorted to exhaustive hunger strikes. It’s hardly surprising, then, the number of people who have found themselves at odds with the authorities, either imprisoned or charged. The conditions of interrogation and detention have often been so severe that they’ve caught the attention of foreign media and organizations like Amnesty International.
